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  • Closure of Afghan diplomatic missions in Europe sparks protests and concern over Taliban control | Afghan Witness

    Closure of Afghan diplomatic missions in Europe sparks protests and concern over Taliban control Taliban halts cooperation with diplomatic missions not under their control, protests against engagement with Taliban by Western countries. 24 Sept 2024 Following the Taliban’s return to power in 2021, many Afghan overseas diplomatic missions severed ties with Afghanistan’s de facto authorities, continuing to provide consular services to Afghans abroad as they had under the previous Afghan administration. However, the Taliban has been consistently trying to take control of these consulates and embassies, to ensure “good interactions” and “official relations” with the international community. In March 2023, the Taliban’s Spokesperson told Tolonews that the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA) had sent diplomats to Pakistan, Iran, China, Russia, Turkey, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, as well as several Arab and African countries. He added that efforts were underway to assume control of the operations of additional Afghan embassies and consulates. According to a statement issued by the Taliban’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) on 30 July 2024, despite repeated requests, many overseas diplomatic missions refused to coordinate their work with the Taliban in Kabul. As such, the MoFA stated it would no longer recognise consular services – including passport renewals and visa issuance – from Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany (Bonn and Berlin), Greece, Italy, Norway, Poland, Sweden, Switzerland and the UK. Since then, several European governments have advised their Afghan diplomatic representatives to coordinate their work with the Taliban. Following the MoFA announcement, international media reported on the imminent closure of Afghan diplomatic missions in Norway and the UK , on 12 September and 9 September 2024, respectively, following the dismissal of embassy staff, including ambassadors. According to Radio Free Europe , both British and Norwegian governments have insisted that the move does not amount to formal recognition of the Taliban, and noted that the buildings that housed these diplomatic missions would eventually be handed over to a “recognised” government of Afghanistan. Meanwhile, the fate of the Afghan embassy in Berlin and consulate in Bonn, Germany remain unknown , however a senior Afghan diplomat in Europe told Amu TV that the German government had informally urged Afghanistan’s embassy in Berlin to resolve its issues with the Taliban to ensure ongoing operations. The source added that Germany was the only country that had formally responded to a letter from the Taliban’s MoFA. The consulate in Munich, however, is likely to remain operational, as it has already coordinated its activities with the Taliban. A series of reactions from the Afghan diaspora followed the decision to close the diplomatic missions and increase coordination with the Taliban. Some claim it amounts to normalisation of relations with the Taliban, while others have expressed concerns over the potential disruption of consular services. Many also raised safety concerns regarding the Taliban’s potential access to information regarding Afghans who served alongside international forces over the past two decades, should the diplomatic missions be handed over to Afghanistan’s de facto authorities. Political concerns On 12 September 2024, the National Resistance Front (NRF) issued a statement expressing concern over the closure of several Afghan diplomatic missions across Europe. The anti-Taliban movement said that it opposed any engagement that would lead to Taliban control of diplomatic entities. The statement noted that embassies were the only remaining addresses of the people of Afghanistan, the closure of which would add to the problems of Afghan immigrants and asylum seekers. It also highlighted security repercussions for Afghan refugees of entrusting diplomatic missions to the Taliban, arguing that the Taliban’s access to these entities would allow the group to develop cases against Afghan refugees in Europe, including the thousands of Afghan citizens who helped international forces in Afghanistan. On previous occasions, the NRF , alongside the National Resistance Council for the Salvation of Afghanistan , opposed Iranian and Chinese initiatives to hand over Afghan embassies to the Taliban. On 29 August 2024, the Coordination Council of the Diplomatic Missions of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan also expressed concern over the Taliban’s goal of assuming control of Afghan diplomatic missions in Europe. In an official statement , the group claimed that any changes to the status quo could have profound negative consequences for the Afghan diaspora in Europe. Amidst announcements of closures of diplomatic missions in Europe, Rina Amiri , the US Special Envoy for Afghan Women, Girls and Human Rights, at the 57th session of the UN’s Human Rights Council on 9 September 2024, asked the world not to normalise ties with the Taliban until there was a “profound shift” in the group’s conduct. Protests against European states’ decisions to close diplomatic missions, increase coordination with Taliban On 7 September 2024, Voice of America (VOA) reported that a dozen Afghan citizens gathered in front of the German Foreign Office in Berlin to protest the German government’s reported coordination with the Taliban, regarding Afghan diplomatic missions on German soil. Fawzia Wahdat, one of the protest organisers, told VOA that the protesters were calling on the German government to list the Taliban as a terrorist movement, and were protesting the normalisation of relations with the Taliban. Days later, on 11 September 2024, another group of Afghan citizens gathered in front of the German Foreign Office in Berlin, to protest against any engagement with the Taliban. Participants claimed that entrusting Afghan diplomatic missions to the Taliban could increase the risk of terrorism spillover to Germany and the rest of Europe. They added that any engagement with the Taliban would amount to cooperation with a terrorist group that does not believe in human rights or political conventions. Zahid, a participant in the protest, told Afghanistan International that the German government had international obligations that it had to uphold; he explained that the protests were reminders of the government’s commitment to fight terrorism, adding that the Taliban was a terrorist group that Germany fought for 20 years alongside other international forces. Figure: #No_To_Engagement_With_Terrorism, the title of a poster circulated by independent networks of Afghans based in Germany, calling on Afghans to come together on 11 September 2024 in Berlin to protest Germany’s decision to increase coordination with the Taliban regarding Afghan diplomatic missions in Germany. In addition to these protests, several members of the Spontaneous Movement of Protesting Women in Afghanistan, a US-run organisation with many members in Afghanistan, condemned the German government’s decision to increase coordination with the Taliban around the diplomatic missions, claiming it was a betrayal of Afghan women. Afghan citizens in Norway raised similar concerns. Several who spoke with Azadi Radio said that they would face many problems when the embassy closed, including the need to go to other countries to obtain passports and birth certificates. Share

  • Suicide bombing at Kandahar’s largest Shia mosque, Hazara ethnic minority targeted | Afghan Witness

    په کندهار کې د شعيه ګانو تر ټولو لوی جومات کې ځانمرګی برید وشو، هزاره قوم اقلیت په نښه شول د دوو چاودنو په پایله کې ۴۰ تنه وژل شوي دي، افغان وتنس د برید څخه د مخفي ویډیو څارنه عكاسي تحلیلوي خبرداری: دا مقاله د خورا ګرافیک موادو سره اړیکې لري. د ۲۰۲۱ کال د اکتوبر په ۱۵ د سهار په ۱۲:۴۲ دقیقو د سهار د پولیسو په لومړۍ ناحیه کې د کندهار د شعيه ګانو تر ټولو لوی جومات، مسجد جامعه فاطيمه یا د بي بي فاطمې په جومات کې د دوو چاودنو له امله تر ۴۰ زیات کسان ووژل شول او لسګونه نور ټپیان شول. اول شکل: په جومات کې هزاره لمونځ کوونکي. اول شکل: د برید ځای په کندهار ښار کې د شعيه ګانو ترټولو لوی جومات په توګه د فاطمې جومات په عمده توګه د هزاره قوم لخوا ګډون کيړي، چې د هیواد دریم لوی قومي ګروپ دی، چې د کلونو راهیسې په افغانستان او ګاونډي پاکستان کې له تبعیض او ځورونې سره مخ دی. داعش خراسان څانګې د خپلې خبري اژانس اعماق له خوا په خپره شوې خبرپاڼه کې د دغه برید مسوولیت منلی دی، دغې ډلې ویلي چې د اسلامي دولت دوه جنګیالي انس الخراساني او ابو علي البلوشي د جومات امنیتي دروازې ته ننوتل او پر ساتونکو یې ډزې وکړې، مخکې له دې چې د جمعې په لمانځه کې د بوختو لمونځ کوونکو په منځ کې ځانونه سره والوزوي. دريم شکل: داعش د خپل مسؤلیت په بیان کې. د عکس او ویډیو د ټویټر سخه تصويران تحلیلونو پراساس، د افغان وتنس پلټونکو وتوانیدل چې د دوو جلا جلا چاودنو شتون تایید کړي، یو د لمانځه په ساحه کې دننه او بل په اصلي دروازه کې لکه څنګه چې د لاندې ارقامو لخوا ښودل شوي. له برید یوه ورځ وروسته په ټویټر کې د مخفي ویډیو څارني تصويران خپاره شول چې دوه بریدګر ښه يي چي د اصلي دروازې مخې ته ډزې کوي، او د دوو ځانمرګو بریدونو دقیق ځایونه تاییدوي، د جومات دروازه او د لمانځه اصلي تالار برید، د ډزو له پیل څخه تر دویمې چاودنې پورې یوازې ٢٤ ثانیې دوام وکړ. د افغان وتنس د خلاصې سرچینې استخبارات د پلټونکو د مخفي ویډیو څارنه تصاوير کارولی ترڅو د برید بیا رغونه چمتو کړي. ۴،۵،۶ شکل د افغان وتنس لخوا د مخفي كمري تصاوير په کارولو سره د برید بیا رغونه. د کندهار په جومات کې چاودنه یوه اونۍ وروسته له هغه وشوه چې داعش خراسان د کندز ښار شمال په یوه جومات کې د شعيه عبادت کونکو په وړاندې ورته برید وکړ، په برید کې تر ۵۰ ډېر کسان وژل شوي او تر ۱۰۰ ډېر نور ټپیان دي. په کندهار کې د فاطمي جومات له برید سمدستي وروسته په ټولنیزو رسنیو کې پر خپلو پلویانو غږ وکړ چې د ټپیانو لپاره وینه ورکړي، د فرانسي پريس اژانس خبریال په وینا لږ تر لږه ١٥ امبولانسونه وروسته د پیښې پر ځای كي ول. یوې سیمه ییزې سرچینې په ټویټر کې خبر ورکړی، چې دوه ایراني کارګو الوتکې له طبي کارکوونکو او خوراکي توکو سره د اکتوبر په ۱۸مه کندهار ته راښکته شوې، څو د شعيه ګانو پر جومات د برید له قربانیانو سره مرستې او درملنه وکړي، او د ایران روغتونونو ته د خورا سختو ټپیانو د لېږد په ګډون د کندهار ولایت په روغتونو کې د تجهیزاتو کمښت له امله. ویل کیږي چې د ایران له خوا په ورکړل شویو مرستو کې له طالبانو سره د هوکړې له مخې څو ټنه درمل او خوراکي توکي شامل دي. ۸،۷ انځورونه: د راپورونو له مخې ایراني کارګو الوتکو د جومات برید قربانیانو ته اکمالات رسولي، انځورونه نا تاییده دي. داعش خراسان چې د هیواد د طالبانو واکمنانو سره مخالفت کوي، په تیرو وختونو کې په افغانستان کې ډیر بریدونه ترسره کړي، او افغان امنیتي ځواکونه، افغان سیاستوال او وزارتونه، د شیعه مسلمانانو او سیکانو په ګډون مذهبي اقلیتونه، د نجونو ښوونځي، روغتونونه او حتا د زیږدون ځایونه یې په نښه کړي دي، دوی هتا طالبان هم په نښه کړي دي، همداراز د امریکا او ناټو ځواکونه او د کومک کونکی موسيسو په ګډون نړیوالې ادارې هم په نښه کړي دي. افغان وتنس به د هیواد په ټولو ولایتونو کې د دوی فعالیتونو څارني ته دوام ورکوي.

  • Hashtag StoptajikGenocide spikes with execution video | Afghan Witness

    با ویدیو اعدام، جهش های نسل کشی تاجیک را متوقف کنید# استفاده از هشتگ بین ۱۰ تا ۱۶ مارس افزایش یافت 17 Mar 2022 تصویر روی جلد، تصویر حادثه، از رسانه های اجتماعی. از زمانی که طالبان در اوت ۲۰۲۱ کنترل افغانستان را به دست گرفتند، نگرانی‌ های مکرر در مورد رفتار با اقلیت‌های قومی در این کشور وجود داشته است. در حالی که طالبان متعهد شده بود که حکومت کند و برای همه مردم افغانستان نمایندگی ارائه کند، چندین رویداد تأیید شده - و حجم زیادی از ادعاهای تأیید نشده در مورد نقض - ​​علیه اقلیت ها رخ داده است. یکی از هشتگ های مرتبط با نقض حقوق اقلیت ها StopTajikGenocide# است که از ماه اوت به طور متناوب برای برجسته کردن موارد علیه تاجیک های قومی در شمال افغانستان استفاده می شود. تصور می ‌شود که تاجیک ‌ها تقریباً ۲۷ درصد از جمعیت کشور را تشکیل می‌دهند که آنها را بعد از پشتون ‌ها دومین گروه قومی بزرگ می ‌سازد. استفاده از StopTajikGenocide# از دیسمبر ۲۰۲۱ افزایش یافته است، با افزایش استفاده در هفته های اخیر به ویژه بین ۱۰ تا ۱۶ مارچ. شکل ۱: نمودار استفاده از هشتگ stoptajikgenocide# از ۱۵ آگست ۲۰۲۱ تاکنون. افزایش استفاده پس از آن اتفاق افتاد که حساب Valley00011@ (به نام "دره پنجشیر مقاومت افغانستان") ویدئویی را به اشتراک گذاشت که به نظر می ‌رسد اعدام یک مرد تاجیک (توئیتر گرافیک) را نشان می ‌دهد. در این ویدئو، مردی که دست‌ هایش را از پشت بسته‌ اند، بیش از یک دقیقه توسط فیلمبردار بازجویی می ‌شود تا اینکه یکی از جنگجویان طالبان تیراندازی می ‌کند و به مرد شلیک می ‌کند. این توییت 6 بار بازتوییت شد و در زمان نگارش ۱۹ بار "لایک" شده بود - رقمی نسبتا پایین. در ادامه پست ها و یک مقاله خبری، نام مرد موجود در ویدئو احمد بلال، معلم مدرسه ای در حصارک، در نزدیکی رخا در پنجشیر است. کوه ها و خط افق قابل مشاهده در این کلیپ با دره اطراف هیساراک مطابقت دارد، اگرچه افغان. وتنس هنوز نتوانسته موقعیت جغرافیایی دقیق را تأیید کند. به گزارش خانواده به نقل از خبرها، این حادثه تقریباً شش ماه پیش رخ داده است. اکونت های دیگر نیز اندکی پس از پست اولیه، ویدیو را با هشتگ به اشتراک گذاشتند و با ۴۳ ریتوییت و ۱۳۲ لایک مورد توجه بیشتری قرار گرفتند. با این حال، افزایش عمده در استفاده از هشتگ در ۱۳ مارچ رخ داد، زمانی که ۶۳۸ بار استفاده شد، بیش از ۲۰۰ درصد بیشتر از روز گذشته. این افزایش زمانی اتفاق افتاد که کاربر ابومسلم شیرزاد در توییتی تفسیری هنری از این ویدئو منتشر کرد و از کاربران خواست که به هشتگ بپیوندند: شکل ۲: تصویری که توسط abushirzad@ به اشتراک گذاشته شده و از مردم برای استفاده از هشتگ stoptajikgenocide# دعوت می کند. در زمان نگارش این مقاله، این توییت 114 بار باز نشر شد و ۷۸۵ لایک دریافت کرد که بر اساس ابزارهای رسانه های اجتماعی، حدود ۶۴۰۰۰ مورد برآورد شد. استفاده از هشتگ در روزهای بعد به سرعت کاهش یافت، اما این رویداد و هشتگ نشان می دهد که یک جامعه آنلاین فعال است که در مورد حقوق اقلیت ها در مورد حوادث گرافیکی بسیج می شود. گزارش شده توسط: افغان وتنس.

  • Taliban claim raid on ISKP cell responsible for recent bus attack in Herat | Afghan Witness

    Taliban claim raid on ISKP cell responsible for recent bus attack in Herat The Taliban spokesperson said the targeted cell was responsible for the attack on a bus in Herat carrying members of the Taliban's al-Farooq Corps on October 27. 18 Nov 2022 On the evening of November 15, 2022, pro-Taliban Twitter users reported an ongoing clash between ISKP and the local Taliban in Herat. The incident, covered by The Independent Persian , was claimed to be an operation organised by the General Directorate of Intelligence on an alleged ISKP hideout. According to reports citing Hamidullah Mutawakkul, the Herat governor spokesperson, the clashes resulted in the death of five ISKP members. RFI, a French news agency, reported that residents confirmed the incident occurred in the Haji Abbas neighbourhood of Herat, located in the Police District 12. Mutawakkul added that out of the five alleged ISKP men killed, two were Tajikistan citizens, whilst the remaining three were Afghanistan citizens. The spokesman did not mention any casualties on the Taliban side of the conflict. Zabihullah Mujahid, the spokesperson of the Islamic Emirate, issued a statement regarding the incident claiming that six ISKP members were killed in the special operation and four captured alive. Mujahid added that, in addition to the men, “ a lot of weapons and ammunition have also been found ”. According to the Taliban spokesperson, this group was responsible for the attack on a bus in Herat carrying members of the Taliban's al-Farooq Corps on October 27, 2022. Although ISKP claimed the bus attack on October 27 via their Telegram channels, it is not possible to verify from open sources that the men killed on November 15 were responsible for the bus attack, which resulted in at least four dead and 18 injured. The General Directorate of Intelligence later released a [WARNING: GRAPHIC] video on November 16, providing unlocatable night time footage of the special operation and close-ups of bodies of alleged ISKP members. According to the GDI’s version of the events, the operation resulted in six ISKP members killed and four captured – the same numbers as Zabiullah Mujahid. However, the information is slightly different from that provided by the Herat governor spokesperson, who claimed that five men were killed and did not mention any arrests. Analysis of the [WARNING: GRAPHIC] footage provided by the General Directorate of Intelligence and various photos of the deceased shared on social media shows only four different bodies. There were rumours the operation was triggered after the Taliban had captured and interrogated a wounded ISKP member in the days beforehand. It is possible the one additional death given by the GDI and Zabiullah Mujahid includes that ISKP member in the total. Cover image: Jim Kelly Share

  • Shia Afghan leader calls for armed resistance at Frankfurt conference | Afghan Witness

    Shia Afghan leader calls for armed resistance at Frankfurt conference Calls for armed resistance against the Taliban at a conference of Shia Afghans in Germany were largely met with reticence from Shias both in Afghanistan and abroad. 3 Jul 2024 Multiple Afghan media sources reported that a conference of Shia Afghans in Frankfurt, Germany, held on 8 June 2024, had called for armed resistance against the Taliban. According to the National Resistance Front (NRF), the meeting was organised by prominent Shia cleric and senior NRF leadership council member Sheikh Mashkoor Kabuli , with the backing of Shia Islamic centres in Frankfurt. On Facebook, Kabuli claimed : “over 50 influential national personalities, elites, scholars, and prominent Shia representatives attended the conference and some participants from Australia, Sweden, France, Turkey, and Iran joined the conference online.” Photos of the conference, shared by Kabuli, reveal that dozens of people attended the gathering. A bilingual banner , in Dari and German, displayed the event’s title: “International Conference of Afghan Shias in Europe.” The main topic of the conference was also displayed on the banner: “Investigating the Situation of Shias in Afghanistan Under Taliban Rule,” as well as discussion points which included analysing targeted attacks and forced migration against Shias, international support for Shias, and the global community’s role in preventing an alleged Shia genocide. Figure: Photographs from the Shia conference in Germany, depicting attendees and the conference banner. Upon closing the conference, Kabuli shared a declaration on Facebook, which covered the following five points: Resistance and the fight against the Taliban Coordination with other anti-Taliban forces National unity and forming a democratic government No trust in Taliban International support. According to the declaration, participants emphasised the need for “decisive resistance” and a “direct fight with the Taliban.” Representatives reportedly stated: “the Shia community should stand against Taliban oppression in an organised manner, and, if necessary, armed.” Reactions to the conference’s call for armed resistance Prominent Shia figures in Afghanistan and abroad reacted online to the conference in Germany. While many acknowledged the challenges faced by Shias in Afghanistan, and the need for positive governance in Afghanistan, these voices largely opposed the call for violence, and many took issue with Kabuli acting as a spokesperson for Shias and Hazaras in Afghanistan while operating from the safety of Europe. Pro-resistance Tajik sources, however, belittled these criticisms for their lack of proposed action against the Taliban. In reference to the conference, and Kabuli’s call for armed resistance, Jafar Mahdavi, a Hazara Shia, and former Member of Parliament, currently living in Kabul, said on X (formerly Twitter): “We do not deny the existence of problems. However, the Shia and Hazara communities of Afghanistan, for the nation’s and country’s benefit, prefer to learn from our bitter and bloody past. We aim to solve existing problems with tolerance, patience, and peaceful mechanisms, utilising Islamic and patriotic spiritual capacities. It is worth noting that many significant and minor issues have been resolved in the past three years through this strategy, avoiding fruitless, inconclusive, and violent conflicts.” Hazara Shia leader and former Minister of Commerce Mohammad Natiqi, who currently lives in Turkey, reacted to the conference, saying: “The meeting of Mr Mashkoor Kabuli and his friends in Germany has nothing to do with the Hazara community, and no one has appointed him as a spokesperson to such recklessly call people on the line of war and fire. In the face of the murderous Taliban, we make and announce decisions according to the requirements and conditions.” In response to Natiqi’s post, pro-resistance Tajik general Haroon Mubariz said : “Okay, so just watch and wait until the Taliban gives you an ambassador position out of charity.” Wahdat Shamal, a pro-resistance Tajik activist also replied to Natiji’s post: “Does this mean that tolerating cruelty has become a habit for you? Does it mean you want to die like an ant under the Pashtuns’ feet?” Hassan Ali Adalat, a Hazara Shia University Professor and political analyst, who currently resides in Canada, said on X: “Whoever gives a fatwa for war should be in the front line of the war, and the Afghan Shias should ask these 50 Shia Mullahs in Europe, including (former Vice President Amrullah) Saleh, to take the lead in the war against the Taliban instead of encouraging others to make sacrifices.” Female Hazara Shia civil society activist Laila Forugh, who currently lives outside of Afghanistan, referenced the recent Taliban shutdown of prominent Shia media station Tamadon TV in her response to the conference, suggesting that the closure was not enough to warrant armed resistance. She told her 32,000 followers on X: “Inviting Hazaras and Shias to war because of the closure of Mohseni's Madrassa and television shows that the inviters do not know the Hazara community. There is no doubt that the fight against Taliban is necessary, but it is impossible for the Hazara and Shia community to rise up for the sake of Mohseni and according to Mashkoor Kabuli's fatwa.” Similarly, Masha Heza, a female Hazara Shia political activist and entrepreneur, living in New York, with over 11,000 followers on X wrote : “The meeting of Mr Mashkoor Kabuli and his friends in Germany has nothing to do with the Shia Hazara community.” Another Hazara political activist, Danesh, living in Turkey, also shared the same opinion. Conclusion The current anti-Taliban armed resistance fronts in Afghanistan, including the NRF and the Afghanistan Freedom Front, are predominantly led by Tajiks, with some Pashtun participation, and rare involvement from other ethnic groups, including Shia Hazaras. Notably, Mashkoor Kabuli is the only senior Shia figure in the leadership of these armed resistance groups. Although his call for resistance is significant, reactions from prominent Shia figures inside Afghanistan and abroad indicate that the Hazara community, despite its problems with the Taliban, is not ready to endorse calls for armed resistance. Share

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