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په مزارشريف کې پر دوو کوچنيو بسونو دوه چاودنې وشوي د راپورونو له مخې چاودنې هزاره شیعه ګان په نښه کړل, په مزار شریف کې په یوه اونۍ کې دا ډول دویم برید دی د پنجشنبې په ورځ د اپریل په ۲۸ د بلخ ولایت د مزار شریف په دریمه ناحیه او په لسمه ناحیه کې د یو بل سره په څو دقیقو کې دوه چاودنې وشوې. د لسمی ناحیه سیمه د اکثریت هزاره شیعه نفوس کور پیژندل کیږي، پداسې حال کې چې د دریمه ناحیه هدف چی د راپور له مخې د هزاره ګانو لپاره چی په لسمه ناحیه کی ژوند کوی د سفر مشهور مرکز دی، د راپورونو له مخې دواړه بریدونه هغه بسونه په نښه کړل چې هزاره کارګران یې لېږدول. د طالبانو له خوا د ټاکل شوي امنيه قومندان وياند محمد اصف وزيري وويل، د بريد قربانيان د روژې د ماتولو لپاره کورونو ته روان ول، او زياته يې کړه چې داسې ښکاري چې هدف يې شيعه مسافر ول. افغان وتنس پلټونکو په مزار شریف کې دواړه پېښې تثبیت کړې او جغرافیه وی موقعیت یې پیدا که. لومړۍ چاودنه په لسمه ناحیه کې راپور شوې. د راپورونو له مخې چاودنه د مقناطیسي ماین له امله چې په یوه واړه باروړونکی موټر کې نښلول شوې وه، د فرانس نیوز ۲۴ په وینا، چاودنې لږ تر لږه ۲۲ کسان تلفات درلودل، دی خبر لیکلو په وخت کې د اټکل له مخې نهه کسان وژل شوي او ۱۳ نور ټپیان دي. په ټولنیزو رسنیو کی ډیری داسی ګرافیکی انځورونو مثالونه شریک شوي چی لږترلږه څلور نفرو تلفات په ګوته کوي. ۱ شکل: په لسمه حوزه کې د چاودنې جغرافیه ځای، دقیق کوردینات: 36.707339, 67.148093 دوهمه چاودنه په دریمه ناحیه کې د سلطان غیاث الدین لېسې ته څېرمه شوې ده، د لومړي برید په څیر، چاودنه د یوه مقناطیسي چاودیدونکي ماین له امله رامینځته شوې چې په واړه بس کې نښلول شوي وه، په ټولنیزو رسنیو کې شریک شوي ګرافیک انځور ښیي چې چاودنه کی لږ تر لږه دوه تنو ته مرګ ژوبله اوښتې. ۲ شکل: په لسمه حوزه کې د چاودنې جغرافیه ځای، دقیق کوردینات:36.710031, 67.114303 د بریدونو پړه وروسته د اسلامي دولت خراسان ولایت د خپل ټیلیګرام چینل له لارې ومنله. اسلامي دولت خراسان ولایت د اپریل په ۲۸ د مزار شریف د برید ادعا، د دوی ټیلیګرام چینل ته خپره کړه. د تېرې پنجشنبې په ورځ د مزار شریف په دریمه ناحیه کې د شیعه ګانو په یوه جومات کې چې اکثره شیعه هزاره ګان په کې مېشت دي، یوه لویه چاودنه وشوه، داعش همچنان د دغه برید پړه منلې ده. څو ورځې وړاندې د کابل په دشت برچي سیمه کې چې د هزاره شیعه ګانو یوه بله سیمه ده، څو چاودنې وشوې چې پکې د هلکانو یو ښوونځی په نښه شو. د تېرې جمعې په ورځ د کندوز په شمالي ښار کې په یوه بل جومات کې د جمعې د لمانځه پر مهال د یوه ځانمرګي برید په پایله کې لږ تر لږه ۳۶ کسان ووژل شول. شیعه افغانان، چې زیاتره یې هزاره ګان دي، د اټکل له مخې د افغانستان د ۳۸ میلیونه نفوس له ۱۰ څخه تر ۲۰ سلنې پورې جوړوي. شیعه، هزاره او نور اقلیتونه لکه صوفیان په مکرر ډول د اسلامی دولت خراسان ولایت یوه سني ډلې له بریدونو سره مخ شوي دي. په داسې حال کې چې طالبانو پخوا ویلي وه. چې داعش نور افغانستان او نړیوالې ټولنې ته ګواښ نه دی، خو د داعش لخوا ادعا شوي وروستي بریدونه بل ډول وړاندیز کوي. خبریال: افغان وتنس ۲۹ اپریل ۲۰۲۲

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Taliban display bodies of alleged ‘kidnappers’, ‘insurgents’ and ‘thieves’ In recent weeks, there has been a spate of incidents in Mazar-i-Sharif and Herat city in which the Taliban have displayed the bodies of men they describe as ‘kidnappers’, ‘insurgents’ or ‘thieves’. 17 Mar 2023 Warning: this article contains graphic details and images, which AW has made efforts to censor. On March 8 images of four dead bodies surfaced online, alongside claims that the Taliban killed “eight kidnappers and insurgents” in the Khwaja Khairan area of Mazar-i-Sharif, Balkh province. The Spokesperson for Balkh Police Headquarters, Mohammad Asif Waziri, [WARNING: GRAPHIC] claimed the eight “kidnappers and rebels” had been killed in a joint operation the night before by the 888 th operational unit and the police headquarters of Balkh province. Waziri tweeted a photograph showing three other dead bodies of alleged kidnappers. According to TOLO News , eight alleged kidnappers were killed and two Taliban members were injured after two and a half hours of clashes in the seventh police district (PD 7) area of Mazar-i-Sharif city. However, AW were only able to verify seven deceased bodies in the images shared online. Figure: Aftermath of a Taliban raid showing seven deceased bodies of alleged kidnappers in PD7 of Mazar-i-Sharif The Taliban claimed they confiscated several weapons from the alleged kidnappers. AW investigators confirmed the presence of at least three AK47 rifles and one TT-33 pistol, as shown below. An AK47 rifle positioned next to the second body (2) seen above has strong similarities with the AK47 placed next to the third body (3). An unnatural placement of the firearm is visible with the TT-93 pistol seen below, indicating that the gun was put in the left hand of the first body (1). This suggests the weapons could have been positioned next to the bodies after their deaths and before the photographs were taken. Figure: Weapons visible next to the alleged kidnappers, including AK47 rifles and one TT pistol Bodies publicly displayed Between 0700 and 0900 local time – a few hours after the first claim appeared on social media – a video was shared online. The video shows the men’s bodies on public display and can be geolocated to the Kefayat roundabout in Mazar-i-Sharif, however, only six bodies of the eight allegedly killed can be seen. Figure: Geolocation of the public display of bodies on March 8 next to the Blue Mosque in Mazar-i-Sharif city [36.708625, 67.108431] Family members protest killings, claims of executions On March 10, TOLO News reported that the family members of the alleged kidnappers protested in front of the UNAMA office, claiming that the men were innocent. However, Abdul Nafeh Takor, the spokesperson for the Taliban’s Ministry of Interior Affairs, said the eight alleged kidnappers were killed "after they showed armed resistance.” Tajuden Soroush, a journalist from Afghanistan International, claimed that he spoke with the family members of the alleged kidnappers, who said that those killed were first handcuffed and then shot in the head from a distance of one metre. A woman was also reportedly present at the scene – her husband was killed, but she was left alive. The family members claimed the Taliban told them there was a misunderstanding after they demanded answers, though this cannot be independently verified and there is no official statement along these lines. AW can verify that some of the victims were shot in the head, while others were shot in different body parts. There is a notable absence of both shell casings on the floor in the room and bullet holes in the wall, which would be expected in the aftermath of a firefight. Several of the victims also appear to have faint markings on their wrists that are consistent with restraints. AW will continue to gather and examine evidence to see if the families’ claims of executions can be further verified. At least one of the victims was identified by an influential social media account as Abdul Khaliq Kochi, who allegedly served as a soldier under the former government of Afghanistan. Second incident: two ‘thieves’ On March 8, in a separate incident, the Taliban displayed the bodies of two alleged thieves also in Mazar-i-Sharif city, Balkh province. Mukhtar Wafayee, a journalist from the Independent Persian, [WARNING: GRAPHIC] tweeted t hat “moments ago, the Taliban displayed the bodies of two other people who had been shot on Ahmad Shah Massoud Road in the centre of Mazar-e-Sharif.” AW investigators geolocated the image shared on social media to the Massoud roundabout, near the eastern gate of the Blue Mosque in Mazar-i-Sharif. The two sets of bodies displayed in the city centre were positioned at opposite gates to the Blue Mosque. Whilst the eight alleged "kidnappers and rebels" were placed near the western entrance, the two alleged thieves were placed near the eastern gate. Figure: Public display of two bodies belonging to two alleged thieves near the Blue Mosque in Mazar-i-Sharif city [36.709483, 67.113161] The Taliban’s Police Spokesperson in Mazar-i-Sharif, Mohammad Asif Waziri, [WARNING: Graphic] claimed that "four armed robbers” had tried to steal from a housing block in Kart-e Sulh area of Mazar-i Sharif, but two of them were killed in a face-to-face battle with Taliban security forces. According to Waziri, two others managed to escape and are “under surveillance.” Bodies displayed in Herat The incidents in Mazar-i-Sharif follow similar events in Herat in late February, when the Taliban displayed the bodies of alleged ‘thieves’ and ‘robbers’ in two other separate incidents. On February 21, [WARNING: GRAPHIC] images of two dead bodies in Herat province were shared on social media. According to online claims, the Taliban's General Directorate of Intelligence (GDI) killed two alleged armed thieves after a brief gunfight in PD5 of Herat city. The Taliban publicly displayed the dead bodies of the alleged thieves at a roundabout in Chowk-e-Gulha in PD2 of Herat city. Figure: Geolocation of image showing public displays of the bodies of alleged thieves in Chowk- e-Gulha or ‘Gulha’ roundabout in PD2 of Herat city [33.337841, 69.921974] The Taliban's GDI confirmed the killing of two alleged thieves by posting a [WARNING: GRAPHIC] video of the bodies at the scene of the gunfight. The video describes how the alleged thieves were wanted men for several days but were killed after a brief clash with the Taliban's GDI members. The Taliban claimed they recovered a handgun and motorcycle from the alleged thieves. AW investigators verified the presence of a handgun near the bodies but could not confirm if it belonged to one of the victims. Second incident in Herat: ‘Robbery and Resistance’ The following day, on February 22, social media users shared images of two dead bodies publicly hanging from their feet in Herat province. On one of the dead bodies, the Taliban allegedly wrote “this is the punishment for robbery and resistance”. One pro-Taliban Twitter user claimed that the two men were killed in an exchange of gunfire while attempting to carry out a guerrilla attack on the head of the City Management Department of PD13, Herat city. However, another Twitter user claimed that the Taliban deliberately killed two Hazara men aged 16 and 18 after following them in the Jebreal district of PD13. According to the claim, the men had allegedly already surrendered but were shot dead by the Taliban. AW geolocated a video posted by [WARNING: GRAPHIC] Etilaatroz , which showed the two bodies displayed on two sides of the Farhang intersection in Herat’s Jebreal district. Farhang intersection, Jebrael district, Herat province [34.375116, 62.139859] According to a [WARNING: GRAPHIC] tweet f rom the Taliban's GDI, the two individuals were suspected of theft and were killed in a brief exchange of gunfire in PD13 of Herat city. The Taliban claimed to have recovered a handgun and a knife from the alleged thieves. AW investigators verified the presence of the two weapons near the body, as seen in the figure below. Figure: A knife and Makarov pistol allegedly recovered from the incident on February 22 The Jebreal district is a predominantly Hazara area of Herat city, and the facial features of the deceased men – captured in various images – are consistent with them being of Hazara background. Figure: Location of the public displays of bodies in Herat on February 21 and 22, 2023 While this was the first public display of bodies in Herat in 2023, a similar incident occurred exactly a year ago to the day, on February 21, 2022, when the bodies of three ‘alleged kidnappers’ were displayed in different parts of Herat city. AW verified the incident and reported that one of the ‘kidnappers’ was a former military officer who had worked for the former Provincial Governor’s security team, based on an interview with a source close to the individual. Share

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Malalai Pen Path volunteer Malalai refuses to let anything get in the way of her campaigning for educational rights. "We must use whatever we have in hand to serve Afghanistan and its people" Afghan Witness changed the name of the individual interviewed. Since last August, the Taliban have imposed restrictions on women’s rights to education, employment, and travel, while also decreeing them to cover their faces in public. The Taliban’s reluctance to re-open girls' secondary schools in most parts of Afghanistan has prompted widespread condemnation both inside and outside of the country, with Afghan teenage girls out of classrooms for over 250 days. Experts say suffering has reached “unprecedented levels” in Afghanistan. Last September, the United Nations Development Programme ( UNDP ) estimated that 97 percent of Afghans could be living in poverty by mid-2022. In spite of the grim images of day-to-day life in the country, campaigners and volunteers are striving to improve the situation. Among them stands a group of educators, activists and volunteers known as Pen Path . Pen Path is a community-based education support network established in 2009 by Matiullah Wesa, an activist and educator from Kandahar province. Afghan Witness (AW) spoke with civil society activist Malalai, not her real name, a volunteer and board member of Pen Path in Kabul. An MBA holder and former university lecturer, Malalai joined Pen Path eight years ago and volunteers alongside her work at an international organisation. Pen Path is active in all 34 provinces of Afghanistan and 310 districts of the country. According to Pen Path , the organisation has opened around 100 closed schools, established 39 libraries, and created 1,700 home literacy classes for girls throughout the country. Their focus, however, has been on the most deprived areas where schools rarely existed or did not exist at all, says Malalai, who talks about her involvement in the organisation’s house-to-house campaigns on the outskirts of Kabul. “We travelled to various districts of Kabul, such as Deh Sabz and Khak-e-Jabar and met with families who did not allow their daughters to attend schools - or, for instance, met with school officials who lacked female teachers and staff,” she explains. “We raised awareness and, in the meantime, shared people’s grievances and problems with the respective authorities.” Photograph: Afghan Witness. The image is not of the individual interviewed. A new way of campaigning Malalai acknowledges the fact that with the Taliban takeover, women volunteers have faced restrictions, for example, travelling to other provinces has become difficult after the Taliban announced women must be accompanied by a close male relative if travelling for more than 72km. However, Malalai says the organisation’s efforts have not been diminished - she and her fellow female campaigners continue to work online and, once a month, meet at the Pen Path office in Kabul. According to Malalai, their in-person meetings, gatherings and campaigns have reduced and have been replaced by online initiatives due to fear of disruption from the Taliban, but Malalai says campaigners have not been disheartened - “our campaigns are not periodic, they are consistent” she adds. Upon returning to power, the Taliban issued a ban on protests and slogans that had not been pre-approved by them. After multiple verified incidents of the Taliban attempting to disrupt some public protests, AW noticed a trend in which activists transitioned protests into indoor and private spaces , such as homes and offices, then shared images on social media to gather traction and raise awareness. “The new restrictions imposed by the Taliban have not stopped us from pursuing our goals. We do not lose any opportunity to campaign,” Malalai stresses. “For instance, when at home, I gather my family members and hold placards reading ‘ girls should be back in school ’ and share them on social media.” Giving back to Afghanistan Photograph: Afghan Witness. The image is not of the individual interviewed. With around 2,400 volunteers across Afghanistan, Pen Path has launched mobile schools travelling to some of the most far-flung areas of the country. For Malalai, her work and the impact her work creates in these communities is her way of giving back to Afghanistan. “Afghanistan is my home - the country has invested in me and educated me. I went on a scholarship abroad for a Master's degree funded by the government of Afghanistan. I feel it is my responsibility to work for my country and pay [it] back,” she explains. Tens of thousands of professionals and skilled workers have left the country since the Taliban takeover, leaving Afghanistan facing a “ brain drain ”. Stories have also emerged of the professional women who have been unable to leave and have instead gone into hiding , even going so far as to burn their degrees or delete evidence of their work. Many ambitious young women with Malalai’s qualifications have left the country in pursuit of better opportunities, however, Malalai feels that staying in Afghanistan is more important than ever. “We, the younger generation, have abilities and gifts, and Afghanistan needs our capacities and skills more than any other time,” she says. “Although the conditions on the ground are not pleasant and are difficult, we must use whatever we have in hand to serve Afghanistan and its people.” Interview by Afghan Witness Source: Share

Mahmud The volunteer and writer has provided humanitarian aid for nearly six years, but says it is too risky to continue under the Taliban's rule. Mahmud mourns the loss of his friend, who died in the 23 July explosion in Kabul. Afghan Witness changed the name of the individual interviewed. Mahmud, not his real name, is an arts graduate, humanitarian aid volunteer and aspiring author. In 2015, he came from the Jaghori district of Ghazni province to Kabul to pursue higher education and better opportunities. But life in Kabul wasn’t what Mahmud had hoped it would be. Mahmud told Afghan Witness (AW) that he had witnessed more than thirty suicide attacks and bombings in the Hazara neighbourhood of Kabul alone, where he and a group of his friends volunteered amongst their communities and established a charity organisation and library. Mahmud reveals to AW how he lost five of his close friends in an explosion on 23 July 2016 among the Enlightenment Movement protests in the west of Kabul. The twin suicide bombing killed 80 people and wounded another 230. Mahmud also shared his frustration about the discrimination he faced as a Hazara minority under the former government of Afghanistan. He told AW that he was mistreated at university due to his ethnicity and had lost job opportunities for the same reason. Since the fall of Kabul in August 2021, Mahmud’s life has been made even harder. Under the Taliban regime, he has no job, and feels he has very little hope. “The Taliban are hiring their fighters and affiliates who have no qualifications - what will happen to the future of thousands of educated people who are looking for work?” Mahmud delivering a speech at an event. With the Taliban in power, he also feels personally at-risk. Mahmud told AW that he fears for his life as the Taliban have identified him as an aid worker, activist and an opponent to their regime. “The Taliban militia has threatened me to death many times,” he says. “In an incident, when we encountered [each other], they threatened to pluck my eyes out of my head.” Mahmud has helped people with humanitarian aid for nearly six years, providing families with food packages, and on occasion, even spending his own money and the money his family had allocated to his education to help others. However, under the Taliban’s rule, he finds it too risky to continue. He says the Taliban have created barriers against their humanitarian aid initiatives, and their group of volunteers has disbanded. “In a recent incident, two Taliban fighters came to me and asked if I worked for any foreign organisation,” Mahmud tells AW. “I responded that I do not work for any foreign organisation - I collect donations from my friends and networks from outside the country and buy and distribute food packages to needy families. In response, they slapped me on my face and hit me on the head with their rifles.” Since this incident, Mahmud has stopped his aid work and is instead writing a memoir of his experiences as a humanitarian aid volunteer and resident of Kabul who has witnessed suicide attacks and bombings, and lost friends along the way. Mahmud is hoping to flee Afghanistan by travelling through the southwestern Nimruz province to Iran and through the Iranian-Turkish border to a safer country, where he hopes to get his book published. While he is feeling scared and disillusioned, he says he will continue to amplify the Afghan people’s voices through his writing. Interview by Afghan Witness Source: Share

Collect, preserve, verify: how we monitor human rights and current events in Afghanistan Previous Next Since the Taliban’s takeover in August 2021, Afghanistan’s media landscape has changed significantly. Journalists in the country have been closely monitored by the de facto authorities, meaning reporting on human rights issues has become more challenging and dangerous. Economic constraints have led to job losses in the sector and some news outlets closing down altogether. According to estimates, about one-third of journalists have left the country since the takeover, and several Afghan media outlets are now publishing from abroad. There are frequent reports of activists , journalists and protesters being detained by the Taliban. These factors combined have led to a dramatic shift in Afghanistan’s information environment – the space in which information is produced and consumed. While local populations are left with limited independent sources of information, international organisations attempting to monitor the situation from afar have also faced challenges accessing reliable and up-to-date information on the country. Social media has proven essential for disseminating content and news, but misinformation is widespread, with footage and images often shared out of context, or old content repurposed. Seeking to help address some of these issues, the Centre for Information Resilience (CIR) established Afghan Witness (AW) in October 2021 to collect, preserve and verify information on human rights and current events in Afghanistan. The project’s main goal is to provide a reliable source of information for international organisations, policymakers, the media, and non-governmental organisations (NGOs), and to highlight the reality of life for Afghans living in the country. The Afghan Witness Map Information verified by the team has recently been brought to life in the form of the AW map , which the project launched in May 2023. Built in partnership with US-based non-profit C4ADS , the open source, interactive map documents evidence of human rights issues and current events in Afghanistan verified by the project since the Taliban’s takeover – revealing the extent of abuses, security incidents, protest movements and more. However, it’s important to remember that verified data alone provides only a snapshot of the situation and data recorded on the map is likely only the tip of the iceberg when it comes to human rights abuses in Afghanistan. Figure: Screenshot of the Afghan Witness Map. Available at: https://www.afghanwitness.org/ This article will introduce AW’s workflow and methodology and will explore some of the key features of the map, to illustrate how journalists, organisations and the public can use this verified database of media to support their research, analysis and reporting on Afghanistan. Our methodology The processes behind AW’s methodology have been developed and replicated across CIR’s other projects, including Eyes on Russia and Myanmar Witness . CIR’s methodology has been guided by best practices in the open source field and has been reviewed by leading practitioners. Our workflow can be broken down into the following six steps: Data collection Every day, AW monitors social media and digital platforms to collect data on human rights issues and current events in Afghanistan. This data is commonly referred to as user-generated content (UGC) – mainly images and videos – and is collected from open source social media channels such as Twitter, Facebook, and Telegram. To source relevant data, researchers conduct a combination of keyword, date-based and hashtag searches. They also closely monitor various accounts known to generate high levels of relevant content, such as Afghan news outlets or journalists. Researchers come across a huge volume of content daily, often accompanied by claims of human rights abuses. Before an image or video can enter the AW database or a claim can be investigated further, analysts must check whether the content is old or new. A quick reverse image search flags up old images or videos that have been shared out-of-context or framed inaccurately. This is an initial check on veracity; content that appears to be new – or has not been recorded previously – will be analysed and investigated further at a later stage in the process. While the sharing of old footage is not always malicious, false claims can spread rapidly. Debunking such content is not only a crucial step in the verification process but is also part of AW’s wider initiative of monitoring Afghanistan’s information environment and promoting awareness of how to identify mis and disinformation. Figure: Example of an old video shared out-of-context, which circulated after clashes on the Afghanistan-Iran border in May 2023. Data preservation AW archives all of the collected data, a process that is equally as important as verifying it. This procedure ensures data is securely stored – and preserved in its original state – should it ever be used to hold perpetrators to account. Preserving data is also important because vital information or evidence may be removed if social media platforms believe it is violating their terms of use. The BBC recently found that evidence of potential human rights abuses may be lost after being deleted by tech companies. Platforms often use artificial intelligence to remove graphic videos, but footage that could support prosecutions may also be taken down in this process. Any data that enters the AW database is archived upon entry by an auto-archiver (version of: https://github.com/bellingcat/auto-archiver ). This collects the related media (photos, videos, audio), source code, and a screenshot of the original source and stores it on a secure server. The auto-archiver also gives each piece of data an autogenerated hash value (SHA3-512) using a hash algorithm, which is then publicly timestamped on Twitter. Should the data be tampered with, this would be visible in changes to the unique value string originally assigned to the data. For example, if an archived video is edited, the hash value would be different to the original value assigned to the footage when it entered the database. Analysis and verification Once initial steps to collect and preserve the data have been taken, analysts will examine the content for additional clues that can shed light on what is happening, why, and who is involved. Analysts use open source techniques to verify as many details as possible. When AW describes a piece of content as “verified”, it means that investigators have been able to confirm, with a high degree of confidence, the location and date of a piece of footage or a photograph. Occasionally, analysts are able to verify other details, such as perpetrators or victims, but this isn’t always possible. If an image or video is taken outdoors, and there are buildings, landmarks, or geographical clues visible in the frame, these can be matched with satellite imagery, Google Street View, or other related media. This process is known as geolocation and allows analysts to pinpoint the coordinates of where a photograph or video was captured. Figure: Example of geolocation. Analysts matched features visible in a video shared by Tolo News on Twitter with satellite imagery after an ISKP-claimed attack in Mazar-i-Sharif, Balkh province, in March 2023. [36.718402, 67.104815] In some cases, chronolocation can be used to determine when the photograph or video was taken, though this process isn’t always feasible as it requires footage to be captured during daylight hours and a shadow cast to be visible. Other methods, such as conducting a reverse image search, analysing the content’s metadata, or identifying clues from buildings or other features in the frame may also hint at when the photo or video was taken. Small details that may seem insignificant at first glance can reveal crucial details upon closer analysis, for example, clothing or insignia, dialogue, accents or dialect, and even facial expressions and tone of voice. During the verification process, analysts will triangulate their findings against other sources such as news reports or information from sources on the ground. AW treats all content the same way, regardless of whether it was shared by an established news outlet or a social media account with only a handful of followers. What is important is that the information can be verified, or – equally critical – debunked. However, verification of a claim also relies on the availability of photographic or visual evidence. In some cases, it is possible to thread together several pieces of footage, filmed from various angles, to reconstruct an incident. This is precisely what AW did in an investigation into evidence of summary executions in the Panjshir Valley in October 2022, when we were able to conclusively link one group of Taliban fighters to the execution of ten men in the Dara District area . In other cases, visual evidence may be limited, meaning analysts can determine some details, but not others. Figure: An investigation into extrajudicial killings in Afghanistan’s Panjshir province, published by AW in October 2022. The review process After content has been analysed, it is reviewed by a senior investigator to ensure information is as accurate and reliable as possible. Data is also reviewed for privacy and safety to mitigate the risk of sharing footage that reveals identifying details of individuals, such as their personal details or location. A privacy tagging system is used to identify any footage that might compromise the privacy, security or safety of individuals, and footage flagged with a privacy tag will be redacted in the online map and any subsequent publications. Figure: Screenshot of the AW database. Some columns have been redacted for privacy reasons. Please note, the above image depicts key columns, not the entire database. While viewing graphic footage or images is a necessary part of the verification process, CIR is focused on ensuring there are several measures in place to regulate the risks associated with viewing traumatic content. When content is entered into the database, it is given a graphic content level category based on a ranking of one to five. This allows reviewers, investigators and those viewing the footage to prepare themselves for graphic imagery. Similar features can also be found on the AW map – a graphic content level is given to each piece of data, and any graphic imagery is removed from the preview box. The original source of the footage or image is still available to click on, but viewers get a chance to prepare themselves before viewing the content or can choose not to click the link. Figure: Graphic content level categories used in the AW database, from 1 (none) to 5 (very severe) Uploading to the Afghan Witness Map Once data has been verified and reviewed, it can then be uploaded to the AW map . The map is regularly updated with new data. However, cases that feature privacy concerns will be uploaded without the footage, or in some cases, will have a delayed upload of several months. It is worth noting that while data displayed in the map has been verified to confirm that the report/claim is consistent with the associated image or video, this does not mean all elements of the content are verifiable. For example, AW may verify a video showing evidence of an explosion in Kabul but may be unable to confirm how many people were killed, or how the incident unfolded. Using the Afghan Witness Map The AW map enables audiences around the world to interact with the project’s database of verified information on human rights and current events in Afghanistan. Its design and functionality have been based on CIR’s Eyes on Russia map, also built by C4ADS. The map is designed to make interaction with the data as simple as possible: data can be filtered by category, actor, or victim/target, a date range can be entered to narrow the search, and the search box can be used to type in keywords, such as a location. These search functions can be applied together or on their own. Figure: Screenshot of AW map and filters; narrow your search by using the side panel to type in keywords, and filter data using the various tabs. Each data point represents a verified piece of content. Hovering your cursor over a pin will display a brief description of the data’s characteristics, while clicking a pin will display a preview box of the entry’s details, such as the coordinates, and a link to the source. Figure: Screenshot of the AW map and data; click on a data point to view the source. At the bottom of the map, the timeline function can be used to assess how the data changes over time. Moving the brackets will enable you to adjust the period, while pressing ‘play’ creates a timelapse of the emergence of the pins. The ‘Draw on Map’ tool allows you to mark out specific areas on the map and search for events that occurred within those parameters. You can also increase or decrease the magnification of the map and search for only events within the map frame. Figure: Overview of the AW map’s key features. Reports, investigations, and media coverage Our hope is that the AW map will become a launchpad for further investigations and analysis on Afghanistan, while allowing the public to visualise the extent of abuses, security incidents and protest movements. Communicating our findings to audiences around the world is important – journalists can corroborate our data with vital on-the-ground testimony and can use our open source investigations to tell stories. Responsible, collaborative reporting can help illustrate the impact of the issues and incidents we monitor daily, while also promoting open source verification techniques as a crucial journalistic toolkit in the digital age. Some examples of media coverage and collaborations can be found here: ‘No one feels safe’: The Taliban promised to provide security to Afghans. New data shows threat from ISIS is growing Women’s rights continue to deteriorate in Afghanistan, MEPs say more can be done ‘I screamed so loud, I blacked out’: Afghans tell of the Taliban’s return to their old torture playbook How fake media accounts in Afghanistan are used to push Taliban propaganda Taliban killed captives in restive Afghan province A note on data that cannot be verified by Afghan Witness AW comes across a high volume of claims on a daily basis. Content that can be verified is uploaded onto the map as a new data point. Many claims, however, are not verifiable, and therefore, do not make it onto the map. This does not necessarily mean they are not true, but that there is simply limited evidence available. There are several reasons for this: self-censorship and fear of reprisal are widespread , local journalists report limited access to the scene of security incidents, and in many rural areas of Afghanistan especially, access to the internet – or a stable connection – is scarce, thus limiting the amount of visual evidence surfacing on social media or via news outlets. AW still archives unverified claims and takes them into consideration when analysing the broader human rights situation in Afghanistan. We record two types of unverified claims: footage of incidents that cannot be verified, as well as text-based claims collected from social media. Some of our unverified data is mentioned in our reports or is shared across our social channels but is always labelled by AW as unverified. As mentioned previously, verified data alone is likely only the tip of the iceberg when it comes to human rights abuses in Afghanistan. Where possible, verified, open source data should be used in conjunction with the work of journalists and organisations on the ground, to increase accessibility to reliable information and strengthen accountability mechanisms. Figure: An interactive map to monitor the Taliban’s announcements of public punishments - an example of data that is collected by AW, but which analysts are not always able to verify. While open source and verification techniques are at the core of AW’s and CIR’s work, it is also important for us to remember the individuals behind each data point on our map. As well as the reports available on our website, you can also find a selection of stories based on interviews with individuals living inside Afghanistan or from the Afghan diaspora. These human stories are an attempt to support our open source work with experiences and testimonies from those on the ground. We believe these stories can shed light on issues and areas where open source may be limited, and, when combined with our open source investigations, can help raise awareness of the reality of everyday life for Afghans. You can explore the Afghan Witness Map, here . C4ADS has created this short explainer video , which demonstrates the map’s key features.

Maihan While studying for a PhD in Pakistan, university lecturer Maihan had her income cut-off by the Taliban. Now she faces poverty in Afghanistan. “Unfortunately, to the current regime, knowledge and education has no worth" Afghan Witness changed the name of the individual interviewed. Before Afghanistan fell to the Taliban, Maihan worked as a lecturer at a public university. She hoped to further her qualifications abroad and return to Afghanistan to continue her career in higher education. Six months before the group’s takeover, the mother of three was offered a PhD scholarship in Pakistan. Despite recovering from a C-Section and the birth of her third child, Maihan says she decided to take the scholarship as there were no PhD courses available in her field within Afghanistan. “Only ten days after my third child was born, I was notified by my respective university that the course had started, and I had to be there,” Maihan tells Afghan Witness (AW). “I still had the C-Section stitches on my body, and with my newborn in my arms, I crossed the Torkham border in a terrible condition.” “I can never forget those bitter memories,” Maihan adds, fighting back her tears. The university lecturer tells AW that she sacrificed many opportunities to get the scholarship; she declined several offers of promotion and her husband also resigned from his job so that the family could move to Pakistan. During their time in Pakistan, Maihan’s salary was the family’s only source of income. However, in July this year, it was reported that the Taliban would cut-off salary payments to professors and civil servants continuing their studies abroad. Maihan says she and over a thousand other university lecturers started to face financial difficulties. “Unfortunately, to the current regime, knowledge and education has no worth - this is the truth whether we say it or not,” Maihan tells AW. In Pakistan, Maihan’s husband struggled to find a job. To survive, Maihan - no longer earning - stopped attending university and started to cook and sell Bolani , a traditional Afghan pastry filled with leeks and potatoes. When they were unable to rely on selling Bolani any longer, the family borrowed money from neighbours so they could return to Afghanistan, where Maihan and her husband hoped to find work. “Four days after I returned to Afghanistan, I went to the Taliban’s higher education authorities and asked them why they did not pay my salary. They showed me the official letter that they could no longer pay us,” Maihan explains to AW. In response, Maihan suggested that she officially withdraw from her PhD studies so she could return to work. Instead, she says the Taliban replied that hundreds of academic staff were currently on sabbatical leave, and if everyone leaves their studies, it would defame the Taliban. A letter from the Taliban's Higher Education ministry informing staff studying abroad that they will no longer be paid. Unemployment and poverty Maihan, now living in one of Afghanistan’s northern provinces, is struggling to find another job. In January, the UN announced that 500,000 jobs had been lost since the Taliban’s takeover. While her husband works as a taxi driver, Maihan says food prices have skyrocketed and her husband's earnings are insufficient to make ends meet. Media have reported that Afghanistan’s universities are facing a lack of qualified staff as dozens have left the country in what experts describe as a “ brain drain ”. Many academics studying abroad like Maihan have not been paid, and return to Afghanistan only to face further insecurity. Only days ago, a Takhar University lecturer, who had been on sabbatical leave in Russia, lost his daughter after being unable to pay for her medical treatment. According to media, the Taliban had halted his salary and that of 19 of his fellows. Since returning to Afghanistan, Maihan has struggled to find work and says food prices have sky-rocketed. Maihan says that the Taliban have left her with no choice; they are not paying her salary, yet have told her not to withdraw from her studies officially - if she does, she will be fired permanently. She adds that a group of university lecturers have approached the Taliban about their concerns, but have made no progress. “After returning to Afghanistan, I went to the Ministry of Higher Education. There I was mistreated, despite tightly observing hijab,” Maihan tells AW. “The guards at the ministry did not allow me to sit in the waiting room and told me to wait in the hallway instead, as, according to them, the place wasn’t for women to sit - that hurt me.” Higher education under the Taliban AW has been monitoring Afghanistan’s education sector since the Taliban’s return to power. Unlike girls’ high schools, which remain closed for girls above the sixth grade, the country’s main universities reopened in February and women are allowed to study. However, classes are gender segregated and female students must adhere to the Taliban’s rules on ‘ hijab ’. Naturally, fewer women have returned to their studies since universities reopened. Maihan says that nothing resembles the past - there are barely ten students in each class and the lecturers feel burnt out as they have to teach female and male students separately in two shifts daily. “The Taliban have replaced most university chancellors and vice-chancellors with their affiliates who do not have any qualifications,” Maihan adds. Determined to find a solution to their unpaid salaries, Maihan says she and her colleagues even suggested to the Taliban’s Higher Education ministry that if they can no longer pay the staff, international organisations, such as the UN, should intervene - in the same way that UNICEF has paid public school teachers in Afghanistan. Again, no progress has been made, and this has forced academic staff to take drastic measures, she says. “A number of the lecturers have left their studies and are now [suffering] harsh labour abroad to earn,” Maihan explains. “Several others, like me, have withdrawn from their studies and returned to Afghanistan to face poverty and uncertainty.” From being a university lecturer and a PhD candidate, Maihan has been plunged into hardship and insecurity. “We are going through some of the toughest times of our lives,” she says. “I feel like we have hit the ground hard from the skies.” Days after our conversation with Maihan, it was reported that the Taliban’s Higher Education ministry had revised their decision regarding the salaries of academic staff studying abroad and decided the salaries would be reinstated. AW contacted Maihan to see if there had been any changes to her situation. "It is not accurate and it is a rumour,” she replied. “They may have said such a thing just to silence lecturers who had a gathering at the Ministry of Higher Education recently.” Interview by Afghan Witness Source: Share

Hora An attack on Kabul airport in August 2021 delayed the student's evacuation, and she has since had issues renewing her passport. Photograph: "Study" by sobriquet.net Afghan Witness changed the name of the individual interviewed. As a young girl in Afghanistan, Hora, not her real name, dreamed of becoming a parliamentarian or a government minister. “You can help your people and country when you get into those positions – that's what I believe,” she says. Hora’s father encouraged her to study hard to build a future for herself, and she gained a scholarship to a prestigious high school. However, in 11th grade, her life changed when her father passed away from heart disease. “When I looked at my younger siblings, my focus shifted immediately to supporting them by studying and working hard – not for myself this time, but for them,” she tells Afghan Witness (AW). “I didn't want my siblings to feel the absence of our father.” Hora competed with thousands of applicants to gain a full scholarship to study at the American University of Afghanistan (AUAF) in Kabul. In her last semester, she secured a place on a competitive internship, then moved on to work at a consultancy firm. It was her third month at the new job when the Former Government of Afghanistan fell in August 2021. “You see yourself destroyed with your own eyes - not just you, but a whole generation,” she says. Hora had always imagined her future in Afghanistan, but the Taliban takeover meant she had to reassess her plans. “With the return of the Taliban, my mind has changed [about remaining] - my life is in danger now,” she says. “Although the Taliban announced a general amnesty for those who worked with foreign governments or the former government of Afghanistan - we witness that it is a lie.” A recent investigation by The New York Times reveals that nearly 500 former government officials and members of the Afghan security forces were ‘killed or forcibly disappeared during the Taliban’s first six months in power.’ While only a student at AUAF, Hora and her family were still concerned for her safety. "I went to live with my uncle for a few days until I got emails from the university that they'll evacuate us,” she explains. “Everything becomes dark” In late August, Hora says she received a call asking her to attend a meeting point where she would then be escorted to the airport and evacuated. According to Hora, she said goodbye to her family and took a seat on the evacuation bus, only to receive emails from the AUAF’s management, who said the airport was under serious threat and that the students should avoid coming. At the time, the New York Times also reported on how hundreds of students and their relatives were asked to return home due to security threats at the airport gates. On August 26, a bomb attack struck Kabul's Hamid Karzai International Airport as desperate civilians attempted to flee. At least 95 people were killed and 150 others wounded. Hora hadn’t been at the airport, but instead found herself stuck in Kabul after the emergency evacuation and US withdrawal deadline at the end of August. She was also faced with another obstacle: her passport had expired, and the passport office was closed. “I had never been so anxious and stressed,” she remembers. “It's like when everything becomes dark, and you can only see a small bright dot of hope – you can't get there quickly, and, in the process, it tortures you.” When the passport office eventually reopened, after waiting in line for a whole day, Hora says a Taliban fighter took her documents and “tore them apart in front of [her] eyes”. She tried a second time, this time arriving at 11 o’clock at night and sleeping in front of the passport department. “Every hour, hundreds of people were queuing there in the middle of the night. It was cold and dark,” Hora recalls. She tells AW that a Taliban fighter requested her documents and asked her to follow him. “I saw him going outside rather than inside the department - I realised he tricked me. He sent me back to the end of the queue and humiliated me,” Hora explains. It was only when she went to the office a third time - equipped with the knowledge of her previous experiences - that she was successful in getting a new passport issued. “I was thrilled - finally, I had a new passport,” Hora says. But after emailing the university to notify them, she received no response. “The spring semester has begun, but I still haven’t heard from the evacuating team.” “I felt betrayed” Hora was due to graduate from the university when she heard AUAF were evacuating their current students only. Despite emailing them multiple times, Hora says she only received excuses, one being that Kyrgyzstan - where many students were initially evacuated - were refusing to issue visas for students from Afghanistan. “They were not honest with me and made me extremely hopeless - I felt betrayed,” she says. It appears that Hora is not alone in her experience - other AUAF students and alumni have taken to social media to voice their concerns. There is even a dedicated Twitter account which has been created to campaign for their evacuation. Hora remains in Afghanistan, and says she is unable to work due to the Taliban’s restrictions. “My family's economic situation worsens each day as we run out of our savings,” she says. “Maybe this was my fate.” While Hora has always faced challenges and prejudice as a woman in Afghanistan, the barriers facing her seem tenfold now: girls cannot attend school, and women are restricted from working. “Each day, new restrictions emerge from the Taliban and all of them are targeted at women,” she says. “I studied Islamic teachings and rules – what the Taliban are doing is contrary to what Islam teaches.” Even if Hora finds a way out of Afghanistan and is able to be evacuated, she feels that the Taliban’s restrictions are increasingly working against her. In December, the Taliban issued a directive stating that women travelling for more than 45 miles (72km) should be accompanied by a close male family member. But the hardest thing for Hora is watching the Taliban’s restrictions impact her younger sister, who is in grade seven and can no longer go to school. “My little sister was waiting every day to go to school - she was wearing her school uniform and just walked around [in it],” she says. Hora remembers how the night before girls’ high schools were due to reopen on March 23, her younger sister stayed up late ironing her uniform and preparing her school bag, only to learn of the Taliban’s U-turn the next morning. “I tried to console her, but the pain was visible on her face,” she says. Hora spends time helping her sister study - it keeps the two of them occupied. “Her [Hora’s sister] dream was to become a doctor,” she says. Whether Hora’s younger sister will return to school, and whether Hora will get to leave Afghanistan, remains to be seen. Like many other women and girls in the country, they feel their aspirations have been put on hold. Interview by Afghan Witness Source: Share

Qamar An Afghan school teacher says the closure of girls' secondary schools has changed her perspective on life. Photograph: "Government Girl School in Bamyan" by Canada in Afghanistan / Canada en Afghanistan is licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0. The image is not of the individual interviewed. Afghan Witness changed the name of the individual interviewed. On March 23 girls’ high schools in Afghanistan were set to re-open after remaining closed for more than six months. But smiling faces soon crumpled in tears; girls were barred from entering their classrooms after the Taliban U-turned on their decision, drawing international condemnation . Girls’ schools remain closed for grades 7-12 in most parts of the country. In Samangan - a province in the North of Afghanistan - girls beyond sixth grade (aged around 12) have been told to stay home. Afghan Witness (AW) spoke with Qamar, not her real name, a girls' high school teacher in Aybak, the capital of Samangan province. Since the beginning of the academic year in March, Qamar has returned just once to the school she taught in - and this was the day when students were turned away after the Taliban backtracked on their decision. “I went to school, and so did all our students, but the Taliban closed the schools again, disappointed us, and sent us back home,” Qamar says. The Taliban have since stated that girls’ schools would only reopen after a decision over uniforms for female students had been made in accordance with "Sharia law and Afghan tradition". In their previous stint in power between 1996-2001, the Taliban banned girls from education and women from most areas of work. Upon their return, the group had promised opportunities for girls’ and women's education and employment, though the recent move, and the spate of restrictions issued since August, have raised questions around the place of women and girls in Afghanistan’s future. As an educated woman who was previously active in society, Qamar has found losing her job and being stuck at home difficult. “I now feel like I am illiterate, incarcerated inside my house,” Qamar tells AW. “Whenever I go out, I take extra care of my clothing and fear being beaten and humiliated by a Talib. As a former public school teacher, I fear Taliban’s reprisal.” Alongside teaching, Qamar previously made another source of income from tailoring, and her creations had been showcased at women’s exhibitions in Samangan. Since the Taliban takeover, these exhibitions have also closed down. With no additional source of income and basic necessities skyrocketing due to the broader economic crisis in the country, Qamar struggles to make ends meet: “I am paid only 7,000 Afghanis (78 USD) which is nothing given that I need to pay rent and feed my children.” Low morale, poor mental health For Qamar, the grief of not being able to teach is two-fold: her daughter, a tenth grade pupil, is also restricted from attending school. “Before the Taliban, though life was not always easy, my children and I were full of hope and positivity,” she says. “My daughters went to school and attended extra-curricular courses. Now my eldest daughter stays at home, and my perspective on life has changed.” Remaining at home has had a huge impact on girls’ and women’s mental health. One Kabul pharmacist recently told the Guardian that he’s noticed a ‘sharp rise’ in women requesting antidepressants, stress relievers or sleeping pills - some without a specific prescription - while medical professionals in the country have also warned they are seeing increasing cases of depression among teenage girls. Qamar says her pupils talk about their suffering whenever they get in touch. Although schools remain open for boys, education standards are poor, and the system faces a shortage of teachers. “There have not been any capacity-building programs, national festivals or science tours,” Qamar notes. She adds that those employed in the province’s education department face strict rules: "men are obliged to grow beards and women are not even allowed to enter”. “There are also rumours among people that primary schools will also close down,” she adds. Qamar says that people have lost their trust in the idea that by educating their children “they can change their lives for the better.” Like many who saw education as a source of hope and opportunity in Afghanistan, Qamar now feels that her prospects - and those of her daughters - have been crushed. "I used to be self-sufficient and free-spirited,” she says. “Now I'm limited to confining my life to the walls of the house.” Interview with Afghan Witness Source: Share

Sofia University graduate Sofia grew up hearing "tales" of the Taliban, but says she now faces the "same fate" her mother faced. "I see the current situation as a vortex – the women and girls of Afghanistan are stuck in it," says Sofia. Afghan Witness changed the name of the individual interviewed. Born in 2000, university graduate Sofia – not her real name – was too young to have experienced the first period of Taliban rule in Afghanistan. When the group returned to power in 2021, she had just one year left of university. “The stories I heard of the Taliban in the ‘90s were like tales for me,” Sofia says. “Then it turned out to be true again, the same fate that my mother faced – I was going to face it, too.” Growing up in Badakhshan province, known in Afghanistan for its high literacy rates, Sofia excelled in her studies, earning the highest score in her district for the university entrance exam, “Kankor”, before moving to Kabul to study Economics. During her degree, Sofia began writing, and two of her articles were published in local newspapers. She says writing provided an outlet to express her feelings on gender inequality. Sofia is from Badakhshan's Eshkashem district, and explains that while people were open-minded and education was valued, gender inequality persisted. “These were just words – in reality, families in Eshkashem preferred the education of their sons to their daughters.” The Taliban’s takeover Sofia returned to Badakhshan during the Covid-19 lockdown but describes the situation back then as “terrifying” – an IS-claimed attack targeted Kabul University in November 2020, killing at least 22 people and wounding dozens. The following summer, the Taliban began to capture key districts as foreign forces prepared for withdrawal . On July 9, 2021, Radio Free Europe (RFL) described “a blistering offensive” in which the Taliban reportedly “seized control of 26 of Badakhshan’s 28 districts” and “encircled the provincial capital, Faizabad”. According to the article, thousands of civilians were displaced. “When my district fell to the Taliban, I was there. From that moment, I realised it was over for me.” Sofia returned to Kabul to resume her studies and in the first week, became busy helping people who were internally displaced from the north. When Kabul fell in mid-August, Sofia says she “lost all hope”. “I thought the central government would liberate our district,” she adds. Restrictions on Education Sofia returned to Badakhshan again in late 2021. The Taliban granted her permission to teach girls who were deprived of education while their schools were closed. When the Taliban reopened universities in March 2022, Sofia returned to Kabul to study for the remaining three semesters. In the months that followed, female students faced segregated classes , a strict dress code , and restrictions on which subjects they were allowed to pursue. "Some girls were complaining about the dress code imposed by the Taliban, but I told them, 'be happy that you still can study'," Sofia recalls. In December, the Taliban announced that female students were no longer allowed to attend university, a move that triggered international condemnation . Sofia says she was lucky enough to finish university just a few days before the ban was announced. “I finished university without any graduation ceremony – I heard that it was the last exam that female students were taking." Barriers to leaving Afghanistan Sofia had been hoping to gain a qualification in English as a foreign language so she would be eligible to apply for Master's scholarships abroad. However, the day after the university ban, she says the Taliban turned her away from another educational institute, stating that women were no longer allowed to study English. Sofia remembers this as the last day she stepped into an academic environment. "I can’t find the words about what will happen to the future of girls – those who worked extremely hard to achieve their goals and get good grades,” Sofia says. “I see the current situation as a vortex – the women and girls of Afghanistan are stuck in it. No one can even shake their foot from it. All their dreams and goals are outside." Refusing to lose hope Sofia says she considers herself “the luckiest” of the students in her class. She is currently working remotely, but she says her classmates are hopeless and have nowhere to go. “At the moment, leaving Afghanistan is like a piece of bread for a starving person." “Everyone wishes to leave Afghanistan, and I am one of them. I still try to give hope to myself, but uncertainty haunts me.” Sofia tries to stay focused on what she loves the most: reading and writing. "I try to find comfort in reading and writing to relieve the pain," she says. While she is not optimistic that the situation will improve, she remains determined. “We’ve come all this way, but we were stopped – we should still keep going." Interview by Afghan Witness Source: Share